I normally try to post about Motivational Speeches on this blog, but today I found a story that is about a Motivational Person. Kyle Maynard lives in North Georgia. He does everything you or I do on a normal day to day basis and more. He can bench press over 400 pounds while only weighing 145 pounds himself. He played foot ball in middle school and wrestled in high school. He has even won and Espy Award! Kyle can type 50 words a minute. Oh and did I mention He is missing his arms and legs?

Kyle’s parents never let him think he had a disability. They made him learn to do things on his own, and he is a better person for it. This guy is like a living Motivational Speech. In fact, he even does Motivational Speeches for a living. One of his points that is my favorite is:

“You can know your limits, but never stop trying to break them.”

photo credit: This Guy

One reason why motivational speeches are so powerful is because they remind us why we do what we do, or hold the beliefs we have so close to our hearts. There are times in our lives when we feel powerless or frustrated in the face of some obstacle, and when things seem darkest for us, these words are the light we can use to find our way. As you read through these speeches, think of these people, their dreams, and the words they have used to communicate with you. Each of these people believed very strongly in their ideals, and this is one more reason why motivational speeches can be very powerful tools of persuasion and influence.

• Motivational Speeches #10:

  Speech By Alexander The Great in 335 BC

• Motivational Speeches #9:

  Speech By William Wilberforce In Favor of Abolition in 1779

• Motivational Speeches #8:

  The Quit India Speech By Mahatma Ghandi in 1942

• Motivational Speeches #7:

  Nelson Mandela’s Speech of 1964
  

• Motivational Speeches #6:

  John F. Kennedy’s Speech “We Choose to Go to the Moon” 1962
  

• Motivational Speeches #5:

  Patrick Henry’s “Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death” Speech in 1775

• Motivational Speeches #4:

  Abraham Lincoln’s “Gettysburg Address” in 1863

• Motivational Speeches #3:

  Winston Churchill’s Speech Before The Commons in 1940 (“We Will Fight Them on The Beaches”)

• Motivational Speeches #2:

  Martin Luther King Jr’s “I Have a Dream” Speech in 1963
  

• Motivational Speeches #1:

  John F. Kennedy’s Inaugural Address in 1961 (“Ask Not What Your Country Can Do For You”)
  

In order to get the most benefit from these or any other motivational speeches you encounter is to take them to heart and use the advice and information they offer! Use these motivational speeches to set a goal for yourself and then find the energy and drive to achieve it. Sitting or standing about when there is something to do will not serve you well or make you happy; the sense of satisfaction from a job well done however, is something you will always remember. This is what motivational speeches do, the motivate us to reach for our goals and to succeed against all odds, and after we are finished with these tasks to take some time to reflect on how good it feels to have done something to change our lives.

are speeches that are meant to inspire the speaker’s audience and encourage them to take whatever action the speech talks about no matter what the topic might be. Whether it is being more tolerant of another person’s views or conserving energy, or another view point on a different subject entirely, there are certain elements that should be present in all good motivational speeches. On the flip side of the coin, there are also some things that should never be done or included in motivational speeches:

Motivational Speech Don’t #1: Generic or Unclear Content

If someone could take your speech and replace a few words and phrases in it and then turn around and make the same speech on another topic, then you know that your speech was too generic.

Motivational Speech Don’t #1: Lack of Structure:

Make sure that your speeches have an easy to identify introduction, body, and conclusion just like you would when composing any sort of presentation. Your audience wants to know where your speech is going and if it is going to be worth their time before you’re finished giving it.

Motivational Speech Don’t #1: Avoiding the Issue Entirely:

photo credit: Adam Tinworth

Nothing is less inspiring or motivational than motivational speeches that completely avoid or barely skim the surface of the issue that they are supposed to address.

Motivational Speech Don’t #1: Weak or Non-Existent Plan of Action:

Motivational speeches need to suggest at least one plan of action to the audience that is practical or something they could realistically follow through with.

Motivational Speech Don’t #1: Too Long / Too Short Speech Time:

Taking too little time or too much time to express your ideas in motivational speeches can result in a flopped speech just because you will lose the opportunity to engage your audience at the right time.

Motivational Speech Don’t #1: Overly Formal or Stiff Language:

Should your motivational speeches be worded very formally all the time? Not always. The idea is to stick with the type of wording that will allow you to better reach your audience; formal, casual, etc.

Motivational Speech Don’t #1: Lack of Imagery:

People want to be inspired by descriptive ideas and images; paint a picture in their minds of the good things that will come from taking the actions you suggest in your motivational speeches.

Motivational Speech Don’t #1: Weak Endings:

Ending strong is one of the best ways to make sure your audience remembers your motivational speeches. A weak ending can leave them with a sense of dissatisfaction which isn’t very motivating at all.

Motivational Speech Don’t #1: Irrelevant References:

If it’s not related to your speech, don’t use it. If there is a story from your life, the life of a famous person, a quote or popular saying, etc that fits with your ideas and calls to action then go for it, otherwise leave it for next time.

Motivational Speech Don’t #1: Inflammatory Words:

The idea of motivational speeches is to inspire and motivate the audience in a positive way, not to make them angry or cause them to feel uncomfortable or insulted. Carefully review speeches for inflammatory wording before giving your speech.

If you take care to avoid these things when writing or giving your motivational speeches you will have a much better chance of connecting with your audience and delivering a speech which will inspire them to new heights!

Let me, however, hasten to assure that I am the same Gandhi as I was in 1920. I have not changed in any fundamental respect. I attach the same importance to non-violence that I did then. If at all, my emphasis on it has grown stronger. There is no real contradiction between the present resolution and my previous writings and utterances.

Occasions like the present do not occur in everybody’s and but rarely in anybody’s life. I want you to know and feel that there is nothing but purest Ahimsa1 in all that I am saying and doing today. The draft resolution of the Working Committee is based on Ahimsa, the contemplated struggle similarly has its roots in Ahimsa. If, therefore, there is any among you who has lost faith in Ahimsa or is wearied of it, let him not vote for this resolution.

Let me explain my position clearly. God has vouchsafed to me a priceless gift in the weapon of Ahimsa. I and my Ahimsa are on our trail today. If in the present crisis, when the earth is being scorched by the flames of Himsa2 and crying for deliverance, I failed to make use of the God given talent, God will not forgive me and I shall be judged un-wrongly of the great gift. I must act now. I may not hesitate and merely look on, when Russia and China are threatened.

Ours is not a drive for power, but purely a non-violent fight for India’s independence. In a violent struggle, a successful general has been often known to effect a military coup and to set up a dictatorship. But under the Congress scheme of things, essentially non-violent as it is, there can be no room for dictatorship. A non-violent soldier of freedom will covet nothing for himself, he fights only for the freedom of his country. The Congress is unconcerned as to who will rule, when freedom is attained. The power, when it comes, will belong to the people of India, and it will be for them to decide to whom it placed in the entrusted. May be that the reins will be placed in the hands of the Parsis, for instance-as I would love to see happen-or they may be handed to some others whose names are not heard in the Congress today. It will not be for you then to object saying, ‘This community is microscopic. That party did not play its due part in the freedom’s struggle; why should it have all the power?’ Ever since its inception the Congress has kept itself meticulously free of the communal taint. It has thought always in terms of the whole nation and has acted accordingly …

I know how imperfect our Ahimsa is and how far away we are still from the ideal, but in Ahimsa there is no final failure or defeat. I have faith, therefore, that if, in spite of our shortcomings, the big thing does happen, it will be because God wanted to help us by crowning with success our silent, unremitting Sadhana1 for the last twenty-two years.

I believe that in the history of the world, there has not been a more genuinely democratic struggle for freedom than ours. I read Carlyle’s French Resolution while I was in prison, and Pandit Jawaharlal has told me something about the Russian revolution. But it is my conviction that inasmuch as these struggles were fought with the weapon of violence they failed to realize the democratic ideal. In the democracy which I have envisaged, a democracy established by non-violence, there will be equal freedom for all. Everybody will be his own master. It is to join a struggle for such democracy that I invite you today. Once you realize this you will forget the differences between the Hindus and Muslims, and think of yourselves as Indians only, engaged in the common struggle for independence.

Then, there is the question of your attitude towards the British. I have noticed that there is hatred towards the British among the people. The people say they are disgusted with their behaviour. The people make no distinction between British imperialism and the British people. To them, the two are one This hatred would even make them welcome the Japanese. It is most dangerous. It means that they will exchange one slavery for another. We must get rid of this feeling. Our quarrel is not with the British people, we fight their imperialism. The proposal for the withdrawal of British power did not come out of anger. It came to enable India to play its due part at the present critical juncture It is not a happy position for a big country like India to be merely helping with money and material obtained willy-nilly from her while the United Nations are conducting the war. We cannot evoke the true spirit of sacrifice and velour, so long as we are not free. I know the British Government will not be able to withhold freedom from us, when we have made enough self-sacrifice. We must, therefore, purge ourselves of hatred. Speaking for myself, I can say that I have never felt any hatred. As a matter of fact, I feel myself to be a greater friend of the British now than ever before. One reason is that they are today in distress. My very friendship, therefore, demands that I should try to save them from their mistakes. As I view the situation, they are on the brink of an abyss. It, therefore, becomes my duty to warn them of their danger even though it may, for the time being, anger them to the point of cutting off the friendly hand that is stretched out to help them. People may laugh, nevertheless that is my claim. At a time when I may have to launch the biggest struggle of my life, I may not harbour hatred against anybody.

If you have any complaint to make about the results of your efforts hitherto, or about myself as your commander, there is no more to say. But let me remind you: through your courage and endurance you have gained possession of Ionia, the Hellespont, both Phrygias, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, Lydia, Caria, Lycia, Pamphylia, Phoenicia, and Egypt; the Greek part of Libya is now yours, together with much of Arabia, lowland Syria, Mesopotamia, Babylon, and Susia; Persia and Media with all the territories either formerly controlled by them or not are in your hands; you have made yourselves masters of the lands beyond the Caspian Gates, beyond the Caucasus, beyond the Tanais, of Bactria, Hyrcania, and the Hyrcanian sea; we have driven the Scythians back into the desert; and Indus and Hydaspes, Acesines and Hydraotes flow now through country which is ours. With all that accomplished, why do you hesitate to extend the power of Macedon–yourpower–to the Hyphasis and the tribes on the other side ? Are you afraid that a few natives who may still be left will offer opposition? Come, come! These natives either surrender without a blow or are caught on the run–or leave their country undefended for your taking; and when we take it, we make a present of it to those who have joined us of their own free will and fight on our side.

For a man who is a man, work, in my belief, if it is directed to noble ends, has no object beyond itself; none the less, if any of you wish to know what limit may be set to this particular camapaign, let me tell you that the area of country still ahead of us, from here to the Ganges and the Eastern ocean, is comparatively small. You will undoubtedly find that this ocean is connected with the Hyrcanian Sea, for the great Stream of Ocean encircles the earth. Moreover I shall prove to you, my friends, that the Indian and Persian Gulfs and the Hyrcanian Sea are all three connected and continuous. Our ships will sail round from the Persian Gulf to Libya as far as the Pillars of Hercules, whence all Libya to the eastward will soon be ours, and all Asia too, and to this empire there will be no boundaries but what God Himself has made for the whole world.

photo credit: Dime01

But if you turn back now, there will remain unconquered many warlike peoples between the Hyphasis and the Eastern Ocean, and many more to the northward and the Hyrcanian Sea, with the Scythians, too, not far away; so that if we withdraw now there is a danger that the territory which we do not yet securely hold may be stirred to revolt by some nation or other we have not yet forced into submission. Should that happen, all that we have done and suffered will have proved fruitless–or we shall be faced with the task of doing it over again from the beginning. Gentlemen of Macedon, and you, my friends and allies, this must not be. Stand firm; for well you know that hardship and danger are the price of glory, and that sweet is the savour of a life of courage and of deathless renown beyond the grave.

Are you not aware that if Heracles, my ancestor, had gone no further than Tiryns or Argos–or even than the Peloponnese or Thebes–he could never have won the glory which changed him from a man into a god, actual or apparent? Even Dionysus, who is a god indeed, in a sense beyond what is applicable to Heracles, faced not a few laborious tasks; yet we have done more: we have passed beyond Nysa and we have taken the rock of Aornos which Heracles himself could not take. Come, then; add the rest of Asia to what you already possess–a small addition to the great sum of your conquests. What great or noble work could we ourselves have achieved had we thought it enough, living at ease in Macedon, merely to guard our homes, accepting no burden beyond checking the encroachment of the Thracians on our borders, or the Illyrians and Triballians, or perhaps such Greeks as might prove a menace to our comfort ?

I could not have blamed you for being the first to lose heart if I, your commander, had not shared in your exhausting marches and your perilous campaigns; it would have been natural enough if you had done all the work merely for others to reap the reward. But it is not so. You and I, gentlemen, have shared the labour and shared the danger, and the rewards are for us all. The conquered territory belongs to you; from your ranks the governors of it are chosen; already the greater part of its treasure passes into your hands, and when all Asia is overrun, then indeed I will go further than the mere satisfaction of our ambitions: the utmost hopes of riches or power which each one of you cherishes will be far surpassed, and whoever wishes to return home will be allowed to go, either with me or without me. I will make those who stay the envy of those who return.